Fernando da Piedade Dias dos Santos (born 5 March 1950), known as Nandó, is an Angolan politician who was Vice President of Angola from February 2010 to September 2012. He was the Prime Minister of Angola from 2002 to 2008 and President of the National Assembly of Angola from 2008 to 2010. He has again served as President of the National Assembly since 2012.

Piedade is a cousin of President José Eduardo dos Santos. His parents emigrated to Angola from São Tomé and Príncipe. He obtained a BA in Law in 2009 at Agostinho Neto University in Angola.

In 1971, Piedade joined the Popular Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA). Following Angola's independence from Portugal in 1975 he began a career in the People's Police Corps of Angola, becoming a division head in 1978. In 1981 he moved to the Ministry of the Interior, becoming Deputy Minister in 1984. The following year he was elected as a member of the MPLA-Workers' Party congress and given the rank of colonel in the Angolan military. He later became a member of the People's Assembly, beginning a succession of appointments to government ministerial posts.

After having served as Interior Minister since 1999, Piedade was appointed as Prime Minister in November 2002 and took office on December 6, 2002. The office of Prime Minister had previously been unoccupied for three years.

Piadade was the 14th candidate on the MPLA's national list in the September 2008 parliamentary election.^[1][2] In the election, the MPLA won an overwhelming majority, and Piedade was elected to a seat in the National Assembly.^[2]

Following the 2008 election, the MPLA Political Bureau chose Piedade to become the President of the National Assembly on September 26, 2008. It also chose Paulo Kassoma to replace Piedade as Prime Minister.^[3][4] On September 30, the newly elected members of the National Assembly met and were sworn in; Piedade was elected as President of the National Assembly on this occasion, receiving 211 votes in favor and three opposed.^[5]

On January 21, 2010, the National Assembly approved a new constitution that would increase presidential powers, eliminate the office of Prime Minister, and eliminate popular elections for the office of President. Piedade described the National Assembly's adoption of the constitution as a "historic moment".^[6] President dos Santos then appointed Piedade to the newly established office of Vice-President of Angola on February 3, 2010. Having long served as a close and powerful associate of dos Santos, his appointment as Vice-President made it appear more likely that he was being envisioned as the eventual successor to dos Santos. However, dos Santos had already been designated as the MPLA candidate for President in 2012, suggesting that he had no intention of retiring.^[7]

In 2012, Manuel Vicente, who had headed the state oil company Sonangol, was believed to have been selected by the President as his likely successor.^[8][9] Vicente was designated as the second candidate on the MPLA's list of parliamentary candidates, making him the party's nominee for the post of Vice-President.^[10] Following the MLPA's victory in the 2012 parliamentary election, Vicente took office as Vice President on 26 September 2012, succeeding Piedade.^[11] A day later, on 27 September 2012, Piedade was instead elected as President of the National Assembly.

https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Fernando_da_Piedade_Dias_dos_Santos

The Parliament of Botswana consists of the President and the National Assembly.^[1] In contrast to other Parliamentary systems, the Parliament elects the President directly (instead of having both a ceremonial President and a Prime Minister who has real authority as head of government) for a set five-year term of office. There are no term limits. The President is both head of State and of Government in Botswana's parliamentary republican system. The current President of Botswana is Ian Khama, who assumed the Presidency on 1 April 2008 and won a full five-year term in the postceding Botswana General elections, which were held on 16 October 2009 and returned his Botswana Democratic Party with a majority of 35 (total of 45) seats in the 61 seat Parliament.

There also exists a body known as Ntlo ya Dikgosi, (The House of Chiefs), which is an advisory body that does not form part of the Parliament.

Botswana is one of the two only nations on the African continent since the end of colonial rule to have achieved a clean record of free and fair elections since independence, having held 10 elections since 1966 without any serious incidents of corruption. The other is Mauritius.

The National Assembly is the legislature Botswana's unicameral Parliament. It is advised by the Ntlo ya Dikgosi (Tswana for "House of Chiefs"), which is not a house of Parliament.

The current National Assembly, formed following elections held on 16 October 2009, has a total of 63 members. 57 members are directly elected in single-member constituencies using the simple majority (or First-past-the-post) system for a term of five years. Four members are co-opted (by secret ballot of the rest of the Assembly) while the remaining two (the President and Attorney-general) are ex officio.

Previous National Assembly election results

 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Parliament_of_Botswana

Introduction

I wish to express my profound gratitude to the SADC PF Secretary General, Dr Chiviya, and the SADC PF Secretariat, for inviting me to share with this distinguished gathering of regional editors and journalists my thoughts on advocating for Sexual Reproductive Health Rights through the Media.

My multiple roles as a parent, citizen of the region, Judge and interim Co-chair of the newly established Regional Think Tank on HIV, Health and Social Justice in Southern and Eastern Africa makes this intervention a matter of duty and a rare honor indeed.

It is not quite often that a member of the judicial arm of the State has an intellectual moment with members of the 4^th Estate - the shapers of public opinion.

Most Judges pride themselves on their clarity of thought, the powers of persuasion which they bring to their judgments - and not necessarily their ability to make public speeches. So if I fumble, stammer, and exhibit some incoherence, please bear with me! Judgments are generally not addressed to non-lawyers; and are rarely addressed to journalists! It follows therefore that this is not a familiar territory for me.

I am used to writing judgments, in which the manner of communication is somewhat rigid, couched in misleadingly neutral terms, dry and devoid of emotion. In the result, no one could credibly argue that Judges have any appreciable competence at public speaking. This constitutes my disclaimer. I can only hope it is effective.

In the tapestry of constitutional literature, the Media like the other three arms of the State, is considered an indispensable component of any democratic society. It has a duty to entertain, inform, and educate. A free and critical Media is indispensable in engendering an educated and enlightened citizenry. I am therefore tempted to go further and suggest that a progressive media has a duty to re-orientate people's values so that they are aligned to the supreme law of the land.

One of the foremost American statesmen, Thomas Jefferson, expressed his belief in the value of the Media/press in the following golden words:

" The basis of our governments being the opinion of the people, the very first object should be to keep that right; and where it left to me to decide whether we should have a government without newspapers or newspapers without government, I should not hesitate a moment to prefer the latter"

The Media has a huge and untapped potential to inform and educate the general populace about SRHR and HIV and governance issues - such as the imperative for the three arms of the State to be interested and indeed obligated to honor God given rights in executing their diverse mandates.

In other words, the need to respect human rights should never be seen as the monopoly of the judiciary and the three arms of the State need to cooperate at all times to honour fundamental rights of all people.

Defining the Universe of Discourse

Reproductive health is not just a health issue - it is also a human right issue. Reproductive health is a state of complete physical, mental and social wellbeing, and not merely the absence of disease in all matters relating to the reproductive system, its functions and processes. Sexual and Reproductive Health encompasses health and wellbeing in matters related to sexual relations, pregnancy, and birth.

It follows from the above that reproductive health deals with the most intimate and private aspect of people's lives, which can be difficult to write about and discuss publicly.

Furthermore, cultural sensitivities and taboos surrounding sexuality often prevent people from seeking Sexual and Reproductive Health information and care. Yet, Sexual and Reproductive Health affects social and economic development of any country. When women die during child birth or from AIDS, children are orphaned.

Girls often drop out of schooling to take care of their siblings. Deprived of education, they later become a burden to their countries.

Without education, girls often marry and begin having children early, which can jeopardize their health and limit their opportunities to contribute to their own development, those of their families, communities, and countries.

The Media plays an important role in bringing Sexual and Reproductive Health matters to the attention of the people who can influence public health policies.

Journalists who produce accurate reports about Sexual and Reproductive Health issues can:

a) Bring taboo subjects in the open so that they can be discussed.

b) Monitor their governments' progress towards achieved stated goals.

c) Hold government official accountable to the public.

Reproductive health of necessity, implies that people are able to have satisfying sexual relations and that they have the capability to reproduce and freedom to decide, if, when and how often to do so. Implicit in the latter point, are the rights of men and women to be informed and to have access to safe, effective, affordable and acceptable methods of family planning of their choice and the right to access appropriate health care services that would enable among other things, women, to go safely through pregnancy and child birth.

Speaking for myself, it is imperative that efforts within the field of Sexual Reproductive Health Rights, HIV and governance issues, should be approached from a human rights perspective, where participation, inclusion and accountability are the central principles. This approach views citizens not as passive receivers of services or beneficiaries of programmes, but as active rights holders, who should be empowered to claim their rights. The Media can play an important role in empowering the people to claim their rights.

The media should never tire to point out contiguously that states have obligations to respect and protect their citizens against violations of their rights.

The courts too have a duty to hold the legislature, the executive and other entities to honor human rights, effect the promise of most constitutions that eloquently speak of the right to dignity. The courts in the region have enforced Sexual and Reproductive Health Rights with admiration even in the face of hostile executive stand points or inadequate legal framework.

The courts are best placed to uphold human rights because unlike politicians, they are not beholden to public opinion and are, therefore, in a position to disregard misguided popular opinion on any matter. This has been particularly the case in the area of HIV.

Our courts have done particularly well in the area of HIV where discrimination and stigma are still rife. The jurisprudence of our courts has sought to infuse rationality in the debate by steadfastly applying scientific logic in their judgements.

In the case of Diau v BBS and Mwale v the Attorney General the Botswana High Court remarked that even in an underdeveloped legal framework that is not fully protective of those infected and affected by HIV, it is the duty of the courts to determine the extent, content and context of human rights of individuals and that the courts must not treat constitutions as museum pieces but rather as living documents intended to cover the interests, not only the current generation, but generations yet unborn.

In Mwale, the High Court went further, and suggested that the right to life encapsulated in the Botswana Constitution is expansive enough to include the right to health especially in the circumstances of the applicant where he was denied the right to be provided with life-saving drugs simply because he was a foreigner. However, it must be indicated that this expansive definition of the right to life was rejected by the apex court in the land.

It must also be noted that Sexual Reproductive Health Rights embrace certain rights that are often recognized by national laws and international law. These rights rest on the basic right of all couples and individuals to decide freely and responsibly, the number, spacing and timing of their children and to have the information and means to do so. To this extent, it is imperative that women should have access to safe and legal abortion care.

I want to put it plainly, and boldly, that without access to safe and legal abortion, women are not fully able to decide freely, on matters related to their Sexual and Reproductive Health, and thus, not able to fully enjoy their human rights.

I do not wish to be understood to be saying that abortion should be promoted as a method of family planning. The position I hold is that the best way to avoid abortions is through improved access to reproductive health services (contraception), information and the empowerment of women - through education which can be done brilliantly by the Media.

I submit further, with respect, that gender equality - in terms of equal rights, (as the High Court of Botswana recently enunciated in the case of Mmusi) including Sexual and Reproductive Rights, equal access to resources and equal opportunities, is central for women to become fully integrated and equal citizens in their countries and thus fulfill their enormous potential for contributing and benefiting from the development of their countries.

It is for this reason that the Botswana High Court, recently, in the case of Mmusi, polemically indicated that, on matters of gender equality, especially in under-developed legal environments, the courts have a duty to act as judicial midwives for the birth of a society based on equality between men and women - that is still struggling to be born. In terms of my experience and conviction, occasionally it becomes necessary for the courts to aid the birth of a new society based on equality by resorting to caesarian birth.

This is so because promoting gender equality demands changes to existing power relations. Women, more particularly girls, are still disadvantaged to negotiate safer sex due to cultural and economic reasons.

It must always be remembered that human rights are universal. There is no such thing as African or European human rights. To this extent cultural and traditional arguments should never be used to undermine human rights.

Concerns around Media Coverage of SRHR and HIV Issues

There is concern in our region that the Media often fail to prioritize Sexual and Reproductive Rights, HIV and governance issues, or report them in an accurate manner.

In the SADC region, it is generally agreed that the Media coverage of reproductive health issues is not satisfactory on account of weak capacity and motivation for reporting these issues.

According to some authorities, the interest of the Media in the area of SRHR is often dominated by announcements of new drugs or official health campaigns. This criticism notwithstanding, it must also be pointed out that, the Media's lack of capacity or motivation is not the only problem; researchers also often lack the capacity to simplify their research or to present it in a way that captures the Media's interest.

In this era, where the ideology of patriarchy is still dominant and religious intolerance high, a capacitated Media can assist in promoting Sexual Reproductive Health Rights and in bringing down the walls of prejudice, discrimination and stigma that still haunt the fight against HIV. And as for the courts there can be no finer moment than cutting through concise legal reasoning to bring down the walls of prejudice.

The Media can also help shine the spotlight on poor legislative frameworks and implementation capacity by the executive on the jurisprudence of deficiency and retrogression that still dominates our law reports, mainly from the jurists of the yester year who pay lip service to human rights.

The SADC Capacitation Programme of the Media

It is in the context of the above that this particular initiative by SADC PF must be appreciated as it seeks to inspire and build capacity of journalists to undertake evidence based reporting of reproductive health issues. It is important that the SADC PF approach must emphasis the following:

a) Enhancing journalists interest in and motivation for reporting on reproductive health issues through training and competitive grants for meaningful and effective reporting on SRHR:

b) Building the capacity of journalists to report simply and clearly, on reproductive health research and the capacity of reproductive health researchers to communicate their research to the Media using plain language, devoid of jargon, where practicable.

c) Establish and maintain trust and mutual relationships between journalists and researchers.

It is indisputable that Sexual and Reproductive Health is a major problem in our region. According to some sources, illness and deaths from poor reproductive health accounts for more than one-fifth of the global burden of the disease.

In our SADC Region, the use of contraceptives by married couples is not satisfactory and as with HIV prevalence, our region is the epicenter of deaths due to unsafe abortion. We still have serious problems of women who die from complications associated with childbirths and too many of our adolescents are hospitalized every year with abortion related complications

Other indications of poor reproductive health rights include adolescents' lack of access to reproductive health information and services.

SADC PF must remain committed to the agenda of seeking to cultivate the interest and capacity of the Media to educate the populace about the need to honor in words and deed, the constitutional provisions of member States that seek to honor the all-embracing right to life - the umbrella provision under which SRHR can find protection. Amongst the issues that SADC PF must seek to unearth and resolve, includes understanding the drivers and consequences of population change in our region.

Conclusion

I am conscious that I have kept you listening for a long time and that I must conclude my address. I conclude by inviting you, in covering SRHR, HIV and governance issues, to remain critical in an informed and respectful manner. Don't hesitate to criticize the Judges if they betray their constitutional oath of office. We are not infallible. Neither are we untouchable angels. A critical appraisal of our judgments is necessitated by the fact that law is fraught with illusion; the illusion that law and justice mean the same thing. What I can say and say unapologetically is that the ultimate objective of law must be the welfare of the people.

The law can be a force for good; but also for bad. This is an incontestable reality. You must also, in covering the issues I have highlighted above, demystify the notion that the law is accessible to all irrespective of wealth or privilege.

You, the members of the 4^th Estate, need to keep watch over us - those engaged directly in the enterprise of law - that we keep our faith in honouring the morality of our constitutions - whose central theme is equality and dignity. I am certain that if you remain focused on quality and evidence based reporting, and reduce undue sensationalisation and distortion, in the context of the theme of this conference, this world shall be a better place to live in.

I thank you for listening.

http://www.parlamento.ao

The National Assembly (Portuguese: Assembleia Nacional) is the legislative branch of the government of Angola. The National Assembly is a unicameral body, with 220 members: 130 members elected by proportional representation and 90 members elected by provincial districts.

The People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola (MPLA) has held a majority in the Assembly since independence. Due to the Angolan Civil War, elections were delayed for years until they were eventually held in September 2008. The most recent election was held in 2012, after a new constitution was adopted in 2010, increasing considerably the power of the President, and diminishing that of the National Assembly as well as that of the judiciary.

Jurisdiction

The Angolan government is composed of three branches of government: executive, legislative, and judicial. The executive branch of the government is composed of the President, the Vice-Presidents and the Council of Ministers. The legislative branch comprises a 220-seat unicameral legislature elected from both provincial and nationwide constituencies. On account of civil wars from independence, political power has been concentrated in the presidency. There are various temporary and permanent committees in the Assembly that help in the operational and administrative functions of the Assembly.^[1]

Selection of members

The Unicameral Parliament of Angola was scheduled was originally constituted with 229 elected members.^[2] for a period of three years after the elections. All Angolan citizens with 18 years of age were eligible to cast their vote. Citizens who were members of factional groups, had criminal record and who had not rehabilitated were barred from exercising their voting rights. The representatives of the provincial assemblies formed a college and they elected the representatives of the House of Parliament. The candidates were expected to be answerable to the citizens in public meetings, with their candidature approved by a majority in the province where they were getting nominated. A constitutional amendment on 19 August 1980 indicated that the Council formed during interim would be replaced by a national people's assembly and there would be 18 elected assemblies.^[2]

Premises

The original building of the National Assembly from 1980, also called People's assembly was located in Estúdio/Restauração Cinema in urban district of Ingombota. The new building inaugurated on 9 November 2015 was initiated on 15 October 2009, while the construction started on 17 May 2010. It is a part of the Political Administrative Centre covering an area of 72,000 Sq.m and a built area of 54,000 sq.m. The Centre accommodates Presidential Palace, the Palace of Justice, the Defence Ministry, Ministry of Justice and Human Rights, the Episcopal Palace and the premises of the former National Assembly headquarters. The New Assembly has 4,600 seats overall with 1,200 in meeting rooms. The compound has four blocks each with six floors, a basement parking that can accommodate 494 vehicles, out of which 34 is reserved for VIPs. The construction was carried out by Portuguese company Teixeira Duarte under the supervision of Special Works Office of the Government of Angola. The building was inaugurated by José Eduardo dos Santos on 10 November 2015.^[3]

Performance of political parties

Jose Eduardo dos Santos won the 1980 and 1986 elections and became the first elected President of the country. At the time, the country was a one-party state, with the People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola - Party of Labour (MPLA-PT) as the sole legal party.^[4] As a result, most candidates were members of the party, and two-thirds were re-nominated from 1980 elections in the 1986 elections. The civil war continued with UNITA fighting against the MLPA, with both parties taking international support. There was a cease-fire agreement during 1989, with the leader of UNITA, Jonas Savimbi, but it collapsed soon. As a part of its peace efforts, MLPA dropped its theme of Marxism–Leninism and moved over to socialism. During May 1991, Dos Santos and Savimbi signed a multiparty democracy agreement in Lisbon.^[5][6] Dos Santos won the 1992, 2008 and 2012 elections as well in the Presidency elections, but different parties started performing. During the 1992 elections, when the first multi-party elections were held, UNITA secured 34.1 per cent vote in the assembly and won 70 seats. But during the 2008 and 2012, their win was reduced to 16 and 32 seats respectively, while the ruling MPLA won 191 and 175 seats respectively.^[7][8]

Presidents of the National Assembly of Angola

Presidents (Speakers) of the People's Assembly of Angola

 https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/National_Assembly_(Angola)

The Southern African Development Community Parliamentary Forum (SADC PF) was established in 1997 in accordance with Article 9 (2) of the SADC Treaty as an autonomous institution of SADC It is a regional inter-parliamentary body composed of fifteen (15) parliaments representing over 3500 parliamentarians in the SADC region. These member parliaments are Angola, Botswana, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Lesotho, Madagascar, Malawi, Mauritius, Mozambique, Namibia, South Africa, Seychelles, Swaziland, Tanzania, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

The Forum seeks to bring regional experiences to bear at the national level, to promote best practices in the role of parliaments in regional cooperation and integration as outlined in the SADC Treaty and the Forum Constitution. Its main aim is to provide a platform for parliaments and parliamentarians to promote and improve regional integration in the SADC region, through parliamentary involvement.

The objectives of the Forum address a wide range of issues, including but not limited to:

1. Promotion of human rights, gender equality, good governance, democracy and transparency;
2. Promotion of peace, security and stability;
3. Hastening the pace of economic cooperation, development and integration on the basis of equity and mutual benefits;
4. Facilitating networking with other inter-parliamentary organizations;
5. Promoting the participation of non-governmental organisations, business and intellectual communities in SADC activities;
6. Familiarising the peoples of SADC with the aims and objectives of SADC; and
7. Informing SADC of the popular views on development and issues affecting the region.

SEYCHELLES - Needle exchange must be accepted in the fight against HIV/Aids! 
This was one of the main conclusions from a focus group discussion which was held in November at the National Assembly on Ile du Port. 

The discussion was led by Professor Timothy Quinlan, a course director at the University of KwaZulu-Natal in South Africa.

Professor Quinlan is also a consultant for the South African Development Community Parliamentary Forum (SADC PF). He was in Seychelles conducting a HIV/Aids and governance programme baseline study. The aim of his visit was to collect baseline information which will result in a better HIV/Aids advocacy policy for SADC parliamentarians.

Among the audience were the local World Health Organisation (WHO) representative Dr Cornelia Atsyor, the chairperson of the National Aids Council Dr Anne Gedeon, National Assembly staff, journalists and representatives from different work organisations. 

Professor Quinlan concentrated the discussion around the practices and trends which should be monitored in the fight against the HIV/Aids pandemic. 

He emphasised that continuous monitoring is important as even if the figures tend to show that only a small number of people here are infected and affected, the prevalence rate is too high for Seychelles. 

Delegates identified social ills as the main causes to the spread of HIV/Aids and other diseases such as different forms of hepatitis. Those include prostitution, drug and alcohol abuse, as well as multiple partnerships. They agreed that the spread of communicable diseases puts pressure on the health system and on the country's economy in general. 

They also raised other concerns linked to HIV/Aids such as school drop-outs, teenage pregnancy, under use of health facilities, a general culture of patients not taking their medicine, non-access to contraceptives for girls under 18 years of age without parental consent and sometimes poor data collection. 

On the last note it was observed that contact tracing is done as a form of monitoring. However, some patients do not or take time to admit their practices like homosexuality and drug addiction. 

The strong point of the meeting was the seemingly unanimous agreement that needle exchange among hard drug users must be accepted as a means of protection against HIV/Aids and hepatitis. Some doctors have expressed discontent over their inability to offer a syringe to a patient, when they know that he or she will go and share one with a potentially infected friend immediately after leaving the clinic. 

They have agreed that Seychelles has very good legislation where HIV/Aids is concerned, but there is a gap to be filled in this area. 

It has been some time now since various HIV/Aids activists and concerned organisations have been calling for the introduction of a needle and syringe programme (NSP) or syringe-exchange programme (SEP). This is a health service that allows injecting drug users (IDUs) to obtain needles at little or no cost. 

It is based on the philosophy of harm reduction that attempts to reduce the risk factors for diseases such as HIV/Aids and hepatitis. While NSPs provide most or all equipment free of charge, exchange programmes require users to return their used syringes to be exchanged for new ones. 
A comprehensive 2004 study by the WHO found a "compelling case that NSPs substantially and cost effectively reduce the spread of HIV among IDUs and do so without evidence of increasing the level of injecting drug use." 

These programmes exist in most European countries and in the United States. Others like Australia, Brazil, Canada, New Zealand, Iran and neighbouring Mauritius have also adopted them. 

The meeting with professor Quinlan also focused on other solutions to the spread of HIV/Aids. These include systematic use of condoms, prevention campaign among young people who are not yet sexually active and who have not had contact with drugs, more awareness through songs and other forms of art, targeting specific areas such as prisons and putting into place a HIV/Aids workplace policy. 

As Seychelles does not benefit from the Global Fund to fight Aids, tuberculosis and malaria because of its high GDP, alternative funding must be sought.

*This article, which was slightly edited, was first published on: http://www.nation.sc/article.html?id=243781

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The Sentinel 06 edition - SADC MPs confront Gender Based Violence